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Bush at War, by Bob Woodward

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Amazon.com Review

Bush at War focuses on the three months following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, during which the U.S. prepared for war in Afghanistan, took steps toward a preemptive strike against Iraq, intensified homeland defense, and began a well-funded CIA covert war against terrorism around the world. The narrative is classic Woodward: using his inside access to the major players, he offers a nearly day-by-day account of the decision-making processes and power battles behind the headlines. Woodward's information is based on tape-recorded interviews of over a hundred sources (some unnamed), including four hours of exclusive interviews with the president, along with notes from cabinet meetings and access to some classified reports. Woodward's analysis of President Bush's leadership style is especially fascinating. A self-described "gut player" who relies heavily on instinct, Bush comes across as a man of action continually pressing his cabinet for concrete results. The revelation that the president developed and publicly stated the so-called Bush Doctrine--the policy that the U.S. would not only go after terrorists everywhere but also those governments or groups which harbor them--without first consulting Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell, or Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is particularly telling. Other principals are examined with equal scrutiny. Though National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice emerges as soft-spoken and even tentative during group meetings, it becomes clear that Bush is dependent on her for candid advice as well as for conveying his thoughts to his cabinet. The relationship between Powell and Rumsfeld (and to a lesser degree Powell and Cheney) is often strained, exposing their differences regarding how to deal with Iraq and whether coalition building or unilateralism is most appropriate. Woodward also describes how CIA director George Tenet prepared a paramilitary team to infiltrate Afghanistan to set the groundwork for invasion, and how this ushered in a new era of cooperation between the defense department and the CIA. A worthwhile and often enlightening read, this is a revealing and informative first draft of the Bush legacy. --Shawn Carkonen

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From Publishers Weekly

Quoting liberally from transcripts of National Security Council meetings and hundreds of interviews with those in the presidential inner circle, including four hours of interviews with Bush himself, the Washington Post assistant managing editor, best-selling author and Watergate muckraker manages to provide a nonpartisan account of the first 100 days of the post September 11 war on terror. While Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell, President Bush and CIA Director George Tenet are impressive, Donald Rumsfeld and Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz come off as hawkish and reactionary, repeatedly calling for a strike against Iraq in the first days of the conflict while pushing for a more widespread, global war. Woodward does an excellent job of exposing the seat-of-their-pants planning sessions conducted at the highest levels of power and the hectic diplomacy practiced by Powell and Bush in trying to get the air war against Afghanistan off the ground. He also brings to light the divisions among the planners concerning the bombing in Afghanistan, which made little impact until late in the game, when the Taliban lines were finally hit. In addition to recounting the heated arguments about when and how to retaliate against Al Qaeda, Woodward also follows Special Ops agents flown into Afghanistan with millions in payoff money weeks in advance of any other American presence. Living in harsh conditions with little to no support, these "110 CIA officers and 316 Special Forces personnel," in this account, ran the show, and effectively won the war with their intelligence gathering operations. While at times relying a bit too heavily on transcribed conversations, Woodward nonetheless offers one of the first truly insightful and informative accounts of the decision making process in the war on terror. 16 pages of b&w photos. Copyright 2002 Reed Business Information, Inc.

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Product details

Hardcover: 376 pages

Publisher: Simon & Schuster; First Edition edition (November 19, 2002)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 9780743204736

ISBN-13: 978-0743204736

ASIN: 0743204735

Product Dimensions:

6.5 x 1.2 x 9.5 inches

Shipping Weight: 1.5 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)

Average Customer Review:

3.8 out of 5 stars

191 customer reviews

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

#671,412 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

Bush At War by Bob Woodward (2002) presents a detailed record of President George W. Bush. The book catalogs the events of the first one hundred days following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Woodward does not present an outward thesis and also does not pass any ascertainable judgment or analysis on the events or decisions made by Bush or the National Security Council (NSC). The book serves primarily as a documentary which was written promptly following the terrorists attack and therefore at the time of publication had very little historical context. Woodward writes from an insider's perspective but freely admits in his "Note to Readers" how he obtained his information, thoughts, conclusions and actions by the primary actors in the text. The interview methodology was problematic due to the time span between actions, decisions and interviews. In this context (many officials were still serving the President) the interviewee is apt to relay information, thoughts and actions favorable to him or herself ignoring poor decisions or contrary opinions or others. Woodward does an acceptable job with his presentation of issues and narrates in a manner consistent with fact based presentation. The author evenly establishes the tenor and tone of the NSC and Principal's meetings portraying areas of agreement and disagreement within the Bush Administration. The narrative highlights many questions posed by Principals, of which there were no substantive answers at the time. The internal disagreements surfaced in debate both in front and external of the President. The subtle debate alludes to friction within the NSC where individuals are advancing their individual views, ideology and agendas. Students interested in foreign policy and the application of military force in support of national interests should read this book for several reasons. First, the author allows the reader examine how foreign policy is formed and how it can be changed based on sudden and direct threats to national interests. The book includes highlights of the President of the United States as a central actor in the NSC but also demonstrate other actors having significant influences on the scope and direction of a particular policy. The main influences of focus by the author are public sentiment, legal Presidential authority, international perception and diplomacy. All of these key influences serve to focus what ends are achievable and therefore shape the resultant policy. The process and the speed in which the administration had to make key decisions on policy with long term impact demonstrates despite study, formulas and theory, the process at which policy is arrived at is much more fluid. Secondly, ten years after publication, the book can now be viewed in some historical context and provides the reader information to measure and judge the decisions during those one-hundred days after September 2001. Examination of the results of the policies and decisions made at the time illustrate how the Bush Doctrine worked and how the doctrine caused problems for long term U.S interests.

Woodward's intent was to provide a snapshot of the post-9/11 year of the Bush administration by talking to as many insiders as he could and recording their on-the-spot actions and observations. This "fly-on-the-wall" approach has its merits and drawbacks, especially as practiced in this book. On the plus side, he seems to have had quite extensive access to the major players, although apparently much of the verbatim quotes from high level meetings must have been reconstructed afterward by the parties. He does provide some sense of the personalities of these figures, and how they interact with each other. I had hoped the book might provide some clue as to the rationale behind the policy, and while there is some analysis, it is mainly "personality-based."The limitations of this approach are readily evident: Woodward is careful not to step on anyone's toes, and one cannot help but wonder whther this is because everyone was acting as competently as he portrays them, or whether his reporting is designed to facilitate future access to this administration, widely viewed by the press as paranoid about negative images. If journalism is the first draft of history, then I suspect this book will not be deemed very useful a few years out. There is no analysis or critique of the administration, and everything they tell Woodward is taken at face value. Minute and unimportant troop deployments are covered in as much detail as much larger issues. The book seems like an effort to picture Bush as "in charge" and acting competently, without any reflection on the wisdom of the direction they are taking the country. As the book ends in late summer 1992, there is virtually nothing on how Iraq became Enemy No. 1, or the policy reasons behind that switch. And Woodward has an annoying fondness for the one-sentence paragraph.All in all, of the eight or nine books I have read touching on 9/11 issues, this was the least satisfying, but it was certainly not totally devoid of value. As a useful counterpart on how a seemingly competent, in-charge administration, fueled on hubris and a willingness to assert American power, can get us into a load of trouble, Halberstram's "The Best and the Brightest" is worth a read. The trouble now is that this crew is neither the best nor the brightest.

Woodward offers up a few insights into the White House decision-making processes in the wake of September 11. He offers a surprisingly complimentary view of President Bush, sketching him as decisive, even if not always sure what he is being decisive about. Defense Secretary Rumsfeld is depicted as screechy and infantile -- territorial to a fault (once churlishly refusing to offer Air Force One a military escort until a few minutes before takeoff). NSA Condi Rice is conciliatory --personally the closest to Bush, but this book suggests that she probably deserves some of the criticisms she receives in the press for being unable to control a cabinet full of loose cannons and huge egos. Secretary of State Colin Powell takes his lumps from Bush and the rest of the cabinet. His moderation and diplomatic skills are viewed with suspicion by Bush as well as war-hawks Cheney and Rumsfeld, and they often drop leaks to the press and work behind his back to undermine and embarrass him.Woodward got good access to people and documents, and the fact that Bush gave him lengthy and private interviews probably accounts for the book's kid-glove treatment of the president. That was likely Bush's strategy in giving the interviews: co-opt Woodward into saying nice things. The book does provide some useful chronological accounting, from the September 11, 2001 attacks on the US to the December 7 final victory in Afghanistan. There are details of conversations and White House meetings among the administration principals as the anti-Taliban and Osama strategy took shape and played out. There is also some 'epilogue' material on the rush to war in Iraq that emphasizes the precarious position of Powell in the policy-making process. A good book, interesting without being groundbreaking.

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